Joanna Nykiel

Matrix vs embedded sluicing and (massive) pied-piping

This talk addresses the question of how much material can be pied-piped along with a stranded wh-phrase. (1) shows English instances of embedded sluicing and (2) shows their matrix counterparts.

 

(1) a. I’ve become mixed up in something. You know what.

     b. I’ve become mixed up in something. You know in what.

     c. I’ve become mixed up in something. *You know mixed up in what.

 

(2) a. A: I’ve become mixed up in something. B: What?

     b. A: I’ve become mixed up in something. B: In what?

     c. A: I’ve become mixed up in something. B: Mixed up in what?

 

The possibility illustrated in c is grammatical in matrix sluicing (2c), but not in full embedded clauses (*You know mixed up in what I’ve become) or in embedded sluicing (1c), unless the wh-phrase and the pied-piped material are ordered first (Harvey’s become mixed up in something. But mixed up in what, (that) I don’t know). These patterns seem robust cross-linguistically: they also hold in German (Abels 2018), Danish, and Polish. I first review the analyses of Bechhofer (1976) and Abels (2018), then present corpus data from English, and finally consider possibilities of analyzing the patterns in (1)-(2). 

Published Mar. 25, 2019 2:15 PM - Last modified Aug. 21, 2019 3:16 PM