Helge Blakkisrud

• Blakkisrud, Helge (2026). Patronage in Peril : The War in Ukraine as a Game Changer for the Eurasian De Facto States, Post-Soviet Conflicts: Politics, Ethnicity, and Warfare. Routledge. ISSN 9781003615057. p. 63–82. doi: 10.4324/9781003615057-4. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  The breakup of the Soviet Union led to the establishment of several de facto states - states that have all the trappings of a regular state, but which fail to meet the vital criteria of international recognition. Except for Chechnya, which was forcefully reintegrated into the Russian Federation at the turn of the millennium, the other post-Soviet de facto states - Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia, and Transnistria - all seemed to have succeeded in establishing something akin to semipermanent statehood. In 2014, these were joined by the Donetsk People’s Republic and the Luhansk People’s Republic. The relative success story of secessionist state formation has, however, been cut short by Russia’s February 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Russia served as a patron - or, in the case of Nagorno-Karabakh, as a patron of the patron - of all post-Soviet de facto states that existed at the time. On the one hand, the invasion meant that Moscow got distracted, directing all its attention to Ukraine. Four years into the war, this has resulted in three out of six de facto states disappearing. Donetsk and Luhansk were first recognized, then annexed, by Russia, and Nagorno-Karabakh was forcefully reintegrated into Azerbaijan. On the other hand, the remaining de facto states have been forced to give up any ideas about balancing the relations with their patron by developing relations with the outside world, instead being forced tighter into the embrace of Russia. Through a comparative study, the chapter takes stock of de facto state conflict developments since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

• Yablokov, Ilya; Moen-Larsen, Natalia & Blakkisrud, Helge (2026). Meaning-Making in Times of Trouble: COVID-19 Conspiracies on Russian Telegram. Problems of Post-Communism. ISSN 1075-8216. 73(4), p. 271–282. doi: 10.1080/10758216.2025.2591711. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Many Russians harbor distrust toward government institutions and official information. Amid the uncertainties of the COVID-19 pandemic, they turned to social media for advice. This article analyzes how the Russian-language Telegram channel “COVID Resistance” contributed to the process of making sense of the situation. Based on a close reading of selected posts, we reconstruct four conspiratorial narratives promoted by this channel: “toxic vaccines,” “fascistoid restrictions,” “coronavirus as a hoax,” and “besieged nation.” We find that these narratives, despite often contradicting each other, served as a form of meaning-making, offering explanations that helped ordinary people navigate the crisis.

• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (2025). Introduction: Values-based Legitimation in Putin’s Russia. In Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (Ed.), Political Legitimacy and Traditional Values in Putin's Russia. Edinburgh University Press. ISSN 9781399539005. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2025). Teaching the Great Patriotic War: Navigating Federal Narratives and Local Memories in Russian School History Textbooks. Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society (JSPPS). ISSN 2364-5334. 11(2), p. 85–128. doi: https:/www.ibidem.eu/out/media/vlb_9783838280554_2.pdf. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Since the early 2000s, the Kremlin has sought to shape a unified historical narrative, with significant efforts directed at revising the national history curriculum. While extensive research has focused on these federal-level revisions, less attention has been paid to regional variations. Traditionally, post-Soviet Russia allowed regions considerable autonomy in shaping historical narratives. More recently, however, the Kremlin has sought to streamline regional narratives so as to reflect a centralized, cohesive story. This paper delves into the interplay between national and regional history textbooks, comparing their evolving narrative on the “Great Patriotic War,” 1941–45. It traces the war narrative across three generations of national history textbooks and compares this to the narratives found in regional textbooks from the Republic of Karelia and Murmansk Oblast, asking whether the regional textbooks succeed in bridging the gap between local war memories and the federal narrative. The findings suggest that while the Kremlin has managed to fundamentally rewrite the national textbooks, the revision of the regional ones is lagging behind, causing potential friction in the war narrative.

• Naterstad, Tora Berge & Blakkisrud, Helge (2025). The Path to ‘Healthy Conservativism’: Tracing Drivers and Legitimation in the Development of Putin’s New ‘Ideology’. In Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (Ed.), Political Legitimacy and Traditional Values in Putin's Russia. Edinburgh University Press. ISSN 9781399539005. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge; Gelashvili, Tamta; Kemoklidze, Nino & Kolstø, Pål (2024). Does recognition matter? Exploring patron penetration of de-facto state structures. Territory, Politics, Governance. ISSN 2162-2671. doi: 10.1080/21622671.2024.2323104. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  De facto states seek international recognition. But do patron states that extend such recognition to their de-facto state clients treat them differently than they would have done otherwise? Will patrons, having extended official recognition, be more inclined to treat their clients as ‘regular’ states? Or does recognition only make the client more beholden to the patron? To investigate this, we explore whether granting recognition affects the degree of patron-state penetration of two sectors critical to the de facto state for retaining (internal) sovereignty and agency: the executive branch, and the military.

• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kemoklidze, Nino (2023). Strategic Triangles, Actors and Agency: Georgia and Abkhazia in a Changing Regional Context. Caucasus survey. ISSN 2376-1199. 11(2-3), p. 111–138. doi: 10.30965/23761202-20230003. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Abstract In scholarly debates as well as in public discourse, Georgia is often reduced to being one of the states “in-between” Russia and the European Union (EU), and part of a “contested neighbourhood”. The breakaway region of Abkhazia is usually not even credited with that, being treated as a mere appendage to Russia. In this special issue we challenge such approaches by analyzing the forging of Georgia’s and Abkhazia’s strategic paths as much more complex processes than are often assumed. In a context defined by the crisis in Russia–West relations, we explore actorness and agency – in the case of Georgia, within the strategic triangle of Georgia, the EU and Russia; in the case of Abkhazia, within the Abkhazia–Georgia–Russia triangle. Our aim is to expand the scope of analysis in two directions: first, by exploring what actors are shaping Georgia’s and Abkhazia’s strategic orientation, and second, by examining how these actors operate and interact in forging these entities’ strategic paths.

• Blakkisrud, Helge (2023). Surviving Without Recognition: De Facto States. In Griffiths, Ryan D.; Pavković, Aleksandar & Radan, Peter (Ed.), The Routledge Handbook of Self-Determination and Secession. Routledge. ISSN 9781003036593. p. 343–358. doi: 10.4324/9781003036593. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2023). Ethnic Relations. In Gill, Graeme (Eds.), Routledge Handbook of Russian Politics and Society. Routledge. ISSN 9781032110523. p. 449–462. Full text in Research Archive
• Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (2022). Engaging Without Recognizing? Western Approaches to the Eurasian De Facto States. Mezjdunarodnaja analitika. ISSN 2587-8476. 13(4), p. 58–75. doi: 10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-4-58-75. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  From being a relatively neglected field, the study of de facto states has developed rapidly in recent years. As the break-up of the Soviet Union produced seven de facto states – four that still exist to this day (Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia and Transnistria) and three that are now defunct (Chechnya, the Done – scholars from this region have contributed greatly to the development of this field. Russian scholars have been particularly active, with Russia serving as the patron state of three of the extant entities (having reintegrated/absorbed the three defunct ones), as well as of the patron of Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia. But Western scholars have also made a sizeable contribution, although often working in relative isolation from “local” research. Whereas local researchers excel in in-depth knowledge of the history and culture of the region, their Western colleagues add to the comparative and theoretical approaches. And just as Russian researchers naturally focus on the relations of the Eurasian de facto states with their Russian patron, their Western counterparts often analyse the policies of their own countries towards these entities. Thus, we argue, two separate “ecosystems” of research into Eurasian de facto states have gradually developed: a “local” one and a “Western” one, each with its own peculiarities. In this article, we survey the “Western” literature on de facto states, noting the various assessments of the possibilities for US and EU engagement with the Eurasian de facto states. The scholarly literature discussing Western engagement emerges as partly analytical, explaining what Western states are doing and not doing and why, and partly normative, offering policy recommendations on how best to engage. Implicit in the concept of “engagement,” however, is the understanding that engagement is preferable to “ignoring” or “sanctioning.” According to this view, Western cooperation with de facto state authorities is inevitable.

• Blakkisrud, Helge (2022). Russkii as the New Rossiiskii? Nation-Building in Russia After 1991. Nationalities Papers. ISSN 0090-5992. 51(1), p. 64–79. doi: 10.1017/nps.2022.11. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  "Russia’s post-1991 nation-building project has been torn between competing interpretations of national identity. Whereas the other former Soviet republics opted for nation-building centered on the titular nation, Russia’s approach to national identity was framed by the fact that the RSFSR had been defined not as a designated national homeland but as a multi-ethnic federation. This, coupled with Russia’s definition as the legal successor of the Soviet Union, suggesting continuity and a history of uninterrupted statehood, has enabled a range of rivaling understandings of how to define the “nation." Focusing on top-down official nation-building, this article examines how, against a backdrop of shifting political contexts, structural constraints, and popular attitudes, the Kremlin has gradually revised its understanding of what constitutes the “Russian nation.” Four models for post-Soviet Russian nation-building are identified – the ethnic, the multi-national, the civic, and the imperial. Over time, the correlation of forces among these has shifted. The article concludes that, despite some claims of an ethno-nationalist turn after 2014, the Kremlin still employs nationalism instrumentally: National identity has undoubtedly become more russkii-centered, but, at the same time, the Kremlin keeps the definition of “Russianness” intentionally vague, blurring the boundaries between “nation” and “civilization.”

• Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Russian Neighborhood Policy and Its Eurasian Client States: No Autocracy Export. Russia in Global Affairs. ISSN 1810-6374. 19(2), p. 38–62. doi: 10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-2-38-62. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Do authoritarian regimes engage in active export of their political systems? Or are they primarily concerned about their geopolitical interests? This article explores these questions by examining Russia's policy towards Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transnistria. In all three de facto states, Moscow is fully able to dictate election outcomes should it desire to, but, we argue, has increasingly refrained from doing so. These client states are unlikely to attempt to escape from Russia's tutelage; and with its geopolitical interests fully ensured, Russia appears willing to grant them latitude. We then ask whether these findings can be extrapolated to serve as a template for understanding Russia’s policy towards its client states more generally, discussing Moscow’s reactions to attempted regime change in Armenia and Belarus.

• Blakkisrud, Helge; Gelashvili, Tamta; Kemoklidze, Nino & Kolstø, Pål (2020). Navigating de facto statehood: trade, trust, and agency in Abkhazia’s external economic relations. Eurasian geography and economics. ISSN 1538-7216. doi: 10.1080/15387216.2020.1861957. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  What opportunities and trade-offs do de facto states encounter in developing economic ties with the outside world? This article explores the complex relationship between trade and trust in the context of contested statehood. Most de facto states are heavily dependent on an external patron for economic aid and investment. However, we challenge the widespread assumption that de facto states are merely hapless pawns in the power-play of their patrons. Such an approach fails to capture the conflict dynamics involved. Drawing on a case study of Abkhazia, we explore how this de facto state navigates between its "patron" Russia, its "parent state" Georgia, and the EU. The conflict transformation literature has highlighted the interrelationship between trust and trade – but how does this unfold in the context of continued nonrecognition and contested statehood? Does trade serve to facilitate trust and hence prospects for conflict transformation? With Abkhazia, we find scant correlation between trust and trade: in the absence of formal recognition, trade does not necessarily facilitate trust. However, the interrelationship between trade, trust, and recognition proves more complex than expected: we find less trust in the patron and more trade with the parent than might have been anticipated.

• Blakkisrud, Helge (2019). Governing the Arctic: The Russian State Commission for Arctic Development and the Forging of a New Domestic Arctic Policy Agenda. Arctic Review on Law and Politics. ISSN 1891-6252. 10, p. 190–216. doi: 10.23865/arctic.v10.1929. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  After a period of relative neglect in the 1990s and early 2000s, the Arctic is back on the agenda of the Russian authorities. To ensure efficient coordination and implementation of its Arctic strategy, the government in 2015 established a State Commission for Arctic Development. It was to serve as a platform for coordinating the implementation of the government’s ambitious plans for the Arctic, for exchange of information among Arctic actors, and for ironing out interagency and interregional conflicts. Based on a case study of the State Commission for Arctic Development, this article has a twofold goal. First, it explores the current Russian domestic Arctic agenda, mapping key actors and priorities and examining the results achieved so far. Second, it discusses what this case study may tell us the about policy formulation and implementation in Russia today. We find that while the government’s renewed focus on the Arctic Zone has yielded some impressive results, the State Commission has been at best a mixed success. The case study demonstrates how, in the context of authoritarian modernization, the Russian government struggles to come up with effective and efficient institutions for Arctic governance. Moreover, the widespread image of a Russian governance model based on a strictly hierarchic “power vertical” must be modified. Russia’s Arctic policy agenda is characterized by infighting and bureaucratic obstructionism: even when Putin intervenes personally, achieving the desired goals can prove difficult.

• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kuziev, Faruh (2019). Museums, memory and meaning-creation: (re)constructing the Tajik nation. Nations and Nationalism. ISSN 1354-5078. 25(3), p. 997–1017. doi: 10.1111/nana.12519. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  To overcome the traumas of the 1992-1997 civil war, the Tajik authorities have turned to history to anchor their post-independence nation-building project. This article explores the role of the National Museum of Tajikistan, examining how the museum discursively contributes to 'nationalising' history and cultural heritage for the benefit of the current Tajik nation-building project. Three main discursive strategies for such (re)construction of Tajik national identity are identified: (1) the representation of the Tajiks as a transhistorical community; (2) implicit claims of the site-specificity of the historical events depicted in the museum, by representing these as having taken place within the territory of present-day Tajikistan, thereby linking the nation to this territory; and (3) meaning-creation, endowing museum objects with meanings that fit into and reinforce the grand narrative promulgated by the museum. We conclude that the National Museum of Tajikistan demonstrates a rich and promising, although so far largely unexplored, repertoire of representing Tajik nationness as reflected in historical artefacts and objects of culture: the museum is indeed an active participant in shaping discursive strategies for (re)constructing the nation.

• Blakkisrud, Helge & Rowe, Elana Tovah Wilson (2018). Gateway or Garrison? Border regions in times of geopolitical crisis. In Blakkisrud, Helge & Rowe, Elana Tovah Wilson (Ed.), Russia's Turn to the East - Domestic Policymaking and Regional Cooperation. Palgrave Pivot. ISSN 9783319697901. p. 1–10. doi: 10.1007/978-3-319-69790-1_1. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Russia's border regions have had moments as open 'gateways' to cooperation. More often, however, the border has been viewed as a 'garrison': an outpost of state power. This chapter places the Russian Far East in the broader context of Russia's pursuit of economic development and security concerns, noting that Russian foreign policy is not necessarily uniform: there are elements of compartmentalization/disaggregation along geographical vectors. The chapter broaches the question that informs all case studies in this volume: has Russia intensified its diplomatic and economic outreach to its eastern border areas and beyond because of the recent breakdown in relations with the West—or would such a shift have taken place anyway, given the economic pull of the Asia-Pacific region?

• Blakkisrud, Helge & Gasimov, Zaur (2018). Tradition, Nation und der böse Westen: Putin, Erdoğan und die Legitimation ihrer Herrschaft. Osteuropa: Zeitschrift für Gegenwartsfragen des Ostens. ISSN 0030-6428. 68(10-12), p. 131–146. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Auch autoritäre Herrschaft bedarf der Zustimmung der Beherrschten. Um sich diese Legitimität zu sichern, verfolgen die politischen Führungen in Russland und der Türkei ähnliche Strategien. Das Putin- und das Erdoğan-Regime betonen die Größe der eigenen Nation, beschwören die imperiale Vergangenheit in Gestalt der Sowjetunion und des Osmanischen Reichs, unterstreichen die Bedeutung der Religion und vermeintlich „traditioneller Werte“ für die Identität der Bürger. Und beide betonen die Frontstellung ihres Landes gegen den Westen. Die daraus folgende Konfrontation nach außen zielt auf die Integration im Inneren.

• Rowe, Elana Tovah Wilson & Blakkisrud, Helge (2018). Afterword: 6400 kilometers away - but not a policy world apart. In Blakkisrud, Helge & Rowe, Elana Tovah Wilson (Ed.), Russia's Turn to the East - Domestic Policymaking and Regional Cooperation. Palgrave Pivot. ISSN 9783319697901. p. 159–164. doi: 10.1007/978-3-319-69790-1_9. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  The Afterword presents two key findings from this volume. First, while numerous new strategy documents and instruments have been adopted in recent years, contributing authors voice concern about the steps Moscow has taken to translate lofty ideas into practical policies. Second, the key initiatives were formulated well before the current crisis in Russia's relations with the West. While a certain rebalancing of the Western and Eastern vectors is taking place, there is still a long way to go before Russia's 'window to the East' can match its 'window to the West'. Only long-term commitment on the part of Moscow can transform the Russian Far East from a neglected periphery and military outpost into a viable gateway to the Asia-Pacific.

• Blakkisrud, Helge (2018). An Asian Pivot Starts at Home: The Russian Far East in Russian Regional Policy. In Blakkisrud, Helge & Rowe, Elana Tovah Wilson (Ed.), Russia's Turn to the East - Domestic Policymaking and Regional Cooperation. Palgrave Pivot. ISSN 9783319697901. p. 11–30. doi: 10.1007/978-3-319-69790-1_2. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  To realize its ambitious goals of turning the Far East into Russia’s gateway to the Asia-Pacific, the Kremlin in 2012 established the Ministry for the Development of the Far East. Structurally, this ministry is a hybrid, with offices at the federal and the regional levels, reflecting both Moscow’s centralized take on policy formulation and the difficulties of micro-managing politics in a region distant in time and space. Analysing whether the new ministry has been a success, the author concludes that, while Moscow’s primary goal has been to open a Far Eastern gateway, a side-effect might be that the Far East will become better integrated with the rest of the country, providing for more balanced development throughout the Federation.

• Blakkisrud, Helge (2018). Mannen, myten og utenrikspolitikken: Putin som utenrikspolitisk aktør. Internasjonal Politikk. ISSN 0020-577X. 76(3), p. 250–258. doi: 10.23865/intpol.v76.1440. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  I henhold til den russiske grunnloven tilligger utenriks- og forsvarspolitikk formelt presidentens domene. Etter at Putin nå i snart tjue år har vært med på å prege politikken, er det etter hvert vanskelig å skille mellom hva som er Putins personlige stil og påvirkning og hva som representerer grunntonen og de lengre linjer i russisk utenrikspolitikk. Men hvor står Putin ved inngangen til sin fjerde – og i henhold til grunnloven siste – presidentperiode? Hva kjennetegner ham som person og politiker? Og hva kan vi forvente fra Putin på den utenrikspolitiske arenaen i løpet av den neste seksårsperioden?

• Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (2018). Introduction: Exploring Russian nationalisms. In Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (Ed.), Russia before and after Crimea: Nationalism and Identity, 2010-17. Edinburgh University Press. ISSN 9781474433853. p. 1–20. doi: 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0001. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  In the introductory chapter, the two editors, Pål Kolstø and Helge Blakkisrud, argue that in Putin's third period as president, nationalism has become even more important for understanding Russian politics and society than before. Prior to the annexation of Crimea, the influx of low-skilled labour from Central Asia and the Caucasus had been creating strong migrantophobic sentiments in sectors of the Russian population, boosting support for ethno-nationalism. The dramatic events in Ukraine in 2014 onwards, however, radically changed the political scene in Russia. Nationalist movements in opposition to the Kremlin went into steep decline, while the nation rallied around its leader, President Putin, who for the first time explicitly used nationalist themes in his propaganda. At first glance, this development may appear radically new. However, our introductory chapter, drawing on insights from several of the chapters in the volume, shows how this pattern has precedents in Russian history: Russian state authorities have generally tended to use other methods of legitimation than nationalism, leaving the nationalist field to various societal forces. However, in times of crisis – as during the Great Patriotic War– a state-focused, imperialistic nationalism is fully exploited as a mobilising device, and any autonomous, popular expressions of nationalism are suppressed. Seemingly an oxymoron, 'imperialist nationalism' has in fact been a strong current throughout Russian history, competing with cultural and ethnic nationalism. Further, this introductory chapter presents an outline of other chapters, pointing out how the themes discussed – the Kremlin's post-2012 quest for legitimacy, migrantophobia, the rise and fall of right-wing ethno-nationalism, and Russian reactions to the Crimean annexation – all emerge as interrelated when interpreted in this framework.

• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (2018). 'Restore Moscow to the Muscovites': Othering 'the migrants' in the 2013 Moscow mayoral elections. In Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (Ed.), Russia before and after Crimea: Nationalism and Identity, 2010-17. Edinburgh University Press. ISSN 9781474433853. p. 236–257. doi: 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0010. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Today, the Russian Federation has the second largest migrant population in the world in absolute numbers. The chapter looks at what role these migrants – and migrantophobia – play in Russian contemporary identity discourse through the lens of the 2013 Moscow mayoral elections. On the eve of these elections, Muscovites identified the large numbers of labour migrants in the capital as the most important campaign issue. This chapter explores how 'the migrant issue' was addressed at the candidate level as well as how it was perceived by ordinary Muscovites. First, it traces what images of 'the migrant' the candidates presented; how they assessed the potential for integration into Russian society; and what measures they proposed for regulating the flow of new migrants. Next, drawing on survey data, the chapter discusses to what extent campaign promises reflected the positions of the electorate on the same issues. It concludes that the Moscow electoral experiment of allowing semi-competitive elections contributed to pushing the borders of what mainstream politicians in Russia perceived as acceptable positions on migrants and migration policy, for at least two reasons: Firstly, incumbent mayor Sobianin faced stiff competition from the rising star of the non-systemic opposition, liberal-nationalist Aleksei Navalnyi, and had to find a way of outbidding him on the migrant issue. Second, in this more competitive environment, Sobianin could not rely on administrative resources alone, but had to respond to popular demands, to ensure an acceptable win: therefore, he had to appear as 'tough' on migrants. The experiment with semi-competitive elections in Moscow in 2013 thus demonstrated the limits of the Kremlin’s ability to fully control Russian nationalist discourse and also contributed to reinforcing the idea of 'the migrant' as the new 'Other' in Russian identity discourse.

• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (2017). Regime Development and Patron–Client Relations: The 2016 Transnistrian Presidential Elections and the "Russia Factor". The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization. ISSN 1074-6846. 25(4), p. 503–528. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  In December 2016, Transnistria held presidential elections in which, after an exceptionally loud and dirty campaign, the incumbent yielded power to his main opponent. This article explores regime evolution in the breakaway republic through the prism of these elections. First, drawing on the literature on hybrid regimes, we ask what the recent campaign can tell us about regime evolution in Transnistria. Second, arguing that, in the case of Eurasian de facto states, this literature must be complemented by a discussion of the role of the patron state, we then turn to the importance of the "Russia factor." We conclude by arguing that, due to Transnistria's dependency on its Moscow patron, this factor always looms large – but not necessarily in the ways that might be expected.

• Blakkisrud, Helge & kyzy, Nuraida Abdykapar (2017). Female heroes in a man's world: The construction of female heroes in Kyrgyzstan's symbolic nation-building. The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization. ISSN 1074-6846. 25(2), p. 113–135. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (2017). Stavropol as "Russia's Kosovo"? Nationalist mobilization and public response in a Russian region. Post-Soviet Affairs. ISSN 1060-586X. 33(5), p. 370–388. doi: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1355716. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2016). Blurring the boundary between civic and ethnic: The Kremlin's new approach to national identity under Putin's third term. In Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (Ed.), The New Russian Nationalism. Imperialism, Ethnicity and Authoritarianism 2000-15. Edinburgh University Press. ISSN 9781474410427. p. 249–274. doi: 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474410427.003.0010. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2014). Governing the governors: legitimacy vs. control in the reform of the Russian regional executive. East European Politics. ISSN 2159-9165. 31(1), p. 104–121. doi: 10.1080/21599165.2014.956925. Full text in Research Archive
• Rowe, Elana Wilson & Blakkisrud, Helge (2014). "A New Kind of Arctic Power? Russia's Policy Discourses and Diplomatic Practices in the Circumpolar North". Geopolitics. ISSN 1465-0045. 19(1), p. 66–85. doi: 10.1080/14650045.2013.789863. Full text in Research Archive
• Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (2012). De facto states and democracy: The case of Nagorno-Karabakh. Communist and Post-Communist Studies. ISSN 0967-067X. 45(1-2), p. 141–151. doi: 10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.03.004. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  De facto states are often dismissed as 'failing states'. However, in Freedom House rankings of political rights and civil liberties, they sometimes perform better than their parent states – as has been the case with Nagorno-Karabakh. This article examines the development of democracy in Nagorno-Karabakh against a checklist of factors assumed to be relevant: cultural homogeneity, size, existential threats, role of the diaspora, and the consequences of continued non-recognition. Drawing on fieldwork and interviews with central actors, the authors conclude that, contrary to what might be expected non-recognition has played a main role in the democratization process.

• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (2012). Die Gesellschaft der PMR. In Bochmann, Klaus; Dumbrava, Vasile; Muller, Dietmar & Reinhardt, Victoria (Ed.), Die Republik Moldau: Ein Handbuch. Leipziger Universitätsverlag. ISSN 9783865835574. p. 571–582. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (2012). Dynamics of de facto statehood: the South Caucasian de facto states between secession and sovereignty. Southeast European and Black Sea Studies. ISSN 1468-3857. 12(2), p. 281–298. doi: 10.1080/14683857.2012.686013. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Scattered across the globe there exist a handful of unrecognized statelets. Although some such entities have proven short-lived, others have demonstrated remarkable tenacity. The South Caucasian de facto states – Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh – have existed for almost 20 years now. This article offers a comparative analysis of how these statelets have attempted to consolidate statehood though processes of state- and nation-building. Despite many outward similarities, both ambitions and outcomes have varied greatly. Interestingly, whether the ultimate goal has been independent statehood or status is seen only as a springboard for unification with ethnic kin does not seem to be a decisive point.

• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (2012). Yielding to the sons of the soil: Abkhazian democracy and the marginalization of the Armenian vote. Ethnic and Racial Studies. ISSN 0141-9870. 36(12), p. 2075–2095. doi: 10.1080/01419870.2012.675079. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2011). Medvedev's New Governors. In Ross, Cameron (Eds.), Russian regional politics under Putin and Medvedev. Routledge. ISSN 9780415688901. p. 7–36. Full text in Research Archive
• Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (2011). 'Separatism is the mother of terrorism': internationalizing the security discourse on unrecognized states. In Caspersen, Nina & Stansfield, Gareth (Ed.), Unrecognized States in the International System. Routledge. ISSN 9780415582100. p. 110–127. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2011). Medvedev's New Governors. Europe-Asia Studies. ISSN 0966-8136. 63(3), p. 367–395. doi: 10.1080/09668136.2011.557531. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (2011). From Secessionist Conflict Toward a Functioning State: Processes of State- and Nation-Building in Transnistria. Post-Soviet Affairs. ISSN 1060-586X. 27(2), p. 178–210. doi: 10.2747/1060-586X.27.2.178. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  How have the Transnistrian authorities sought to consolidate de facto statehood in the absence of international recognition? Starting from the idea that the time factor will eventually transform secessionists into state-builders, this article traces how the processes of state- and nation-building promoted by the Transnistrian de facto authorities have evolved since the early 1990s. Drawing on official sources, interviews, journalism, and the political science literature, the domestic dimensions of state- and nation-building in de facto state conflicts are examined. These include fulfillment of basic requirements of state-building, development of economic viability, and nationbuilding processes that attempt to create a unifying identity.

• Blakkisrud, Helge & Nozimova, Shahnoza (2010). History writing and nation building in post-independence Tajikistan. Nationalities Papers. ISSN 0090-5992. 38(2), p. 173–189. Full text in Research Archive

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• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (2025). Political Legitimacy and Traditional Values in Putin's Russia. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 9781399539005. 328 p. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge & Rowe, Elana Tovah Wilson (2018). Russia's Turn to the East - Domestic Policymaking and Regional Cooperation. Palgrave Pivot. ISBN 9783319697901. 167 p. Full text in Research Archive
• Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (2018). Russia before and after Crimea: Nationalism and Identity, 2010-17. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 9781474433853. 334 p. Full text in Research Archive
• Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (2016). The New Russian Nationalism. Imperialism, Ethnicity and Authoritarianism 2000-15. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 9781474410427. 424 p. Full text in Research Archive

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• Blakkisrud, Helge (2026). "მოსკოვის მიზანი არა დე იურე, არამედ დე ფაქტო ანექსიაა” - ჰელგე ბლაკისრუდი კრემლის სტრატეგიაზე აფხაზეთსა და სამხრეთ ოსეთში. [Internet]. RFE/RL Georgia. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  “მას შემდეგ, რაც მოსკოვსა და თბილისს შორის ურთიერთობები საგრძნობლად დათბა, კრემლისთვის გაცილებით უფრო მნიშვნელოვანია, თავი აარიდოს ისეთ ნაბიჯებს, რომლებიც საქართველოში არსებულ სტატუს-კვოს დაარღვევდა, ვიდრე სამხრეთ ოსეთის ფორმალური ანექსია დააჩქაროს...”

• Blakkisrud, Helge (2026). "Legitimating Nationalism: Political Identity in Russia’s Ethnic Republics" by Katie L. Stewart. The Russian Review. doi: 10.1111/russ.70125. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge & Kolstø, Pål (2025). Abkhazia’s 2025 Presidential Elections: De Facto State Patron–Client Relations and Russian Interference. p. 12–16. doi: 10.3929/ethz-b-000741462. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  On 15 February 2025, the Abkhazians went to the polls to elect a new president to succeed Aslan Bzhania, who had been forced to resign following a wave of popular protests. This election was particularly notable due to unprecedented interference by Abkhazia’s patron, the Russian Federation. The relationship between Abkhazia and Russia has evolved over the years. While Abkhazia relies heavily on Russian backing for security and infrastructure, most Abkhazians oppose full integration with Russia. In particular, the question of whether Russian citizens should be allowed access to the Abkhazian real estate market has become a contentious issue that has sparked resistance. When Bzhania attempted to accommodate Russian interests in the real estate market in 2024, he faced a backlash and was ultimately forced to resign. The 2025 election featured two main candidates: Badra Gunba, who was backed by Moscow, and opposition leader Adgur Ardzinba. Gunba’s victory raises several questions about Abkhazian sovereignty and the future of the country’s political landscape. Gunba must balance the expectations of his patron against the concerns of a populace that has grown wary of losing its autonomy amid Russia’s increasing integration efforts. Hence, the dynamics of this election exemplify the complexity of de facto state patron–client relationships.

• Myklebost, Kari Aga; Blakkisrud, Helge; Kochetkova, Elena; Spirin, Artem; Bækken, Håvard & Bones, Stian [Show all 10 contributors for this article] (2024). Memory Politics of the North, 1993-2023. Full text in Research Archive
• Fasting, Mathilde & Blakkisrud, Helge (2024). Vil protestene i Tblisi føre til endringer i Georgia? [Internet]. Liberal halvtime. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge & Konglund, Christian (2024). Georgias vei videre: EU eller Russland? [Internet]. Historier som endret verden (podkast). Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge & Konglund, Christian (2024). Georgia: Krig, konflikt og splittende politikk. [Internet]. Historier som endret verden (podkast). Full text in Research Archive
• Kemoklidze, Nino; Blakkisrud, Helge; Kolstø, Pål & Gelashvili, Tamta (2024). Gain recognition, lose independence? How Russian recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia cemented Kremlin control. LSE blog. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2024). Are de facto states viable? Discussing the situation in and around Nagorno Karabakh. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2024). Historie som våpen: Hva lærer de på skolen i Russland? Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2023). Book Review: Ali Askerov, Stefan Brooks and Lasha Tchantouridzé, eds., Post-Soviet Conflicts: The Thirty Years’ Crisis. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2020. Acta Slavica Iaponica. ISSN 0288-3503. 43, p. 200–201. Full text in Research Archive
• Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (2023). Spillet om Nagorno-Karabakh er i ferd med å avsluttes. En av taperne er Russland. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2023). Kampen om Nagorno-Karabakh. [Internet]. Historier som endret verden. Full text in Research Archive
• Kolstø, Pål; Blakkisrud, Helge; Flikke, Geir; Moe, Arild; Myklebost, Kari Aga & Neumann, Iver Brynild [Show all 7 contributors for this article] (2022). Russerne er ikke kollektivt skyldige i Putins krig. Aftenposten (morgenutg. : trykt utg.). ISSN 0804-3116. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Mobilizing the Past: School History Textbooks as Reflections of the Political Self. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Situasjonen i Russland. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge; Kemoklidze, Nino; Kolstø, Pål & Gelashvili, Tamta (2021). Trade, Trust, and De Facto State Conflicts: Abkhazia’s International Economic Engagement. All the Russias: NYU Jordan Center for the Advanced Study of Russia. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Bennich-Björkman, Li, and Sergiy Kurbatov, eds. When the Future Came: The Collapse of the USSR and the Emergence of National Memory in Post-Soviet History Textbooks. Russian Review. ISSN 0036-0341. 80(1), p. 158–158. doi: 10.1111/russ.12303. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Perestroika, the fateful years when Mikhail Gorbachev's plans for reforming the Soviet structure ended with the Union’s full collapse, is for many of us still a lived memory. But how is perestroika remembered today in the states that arose from the ashes of the USSR? And what can this tell us about national self-understanding in the Soviet successor states? This is the starting point for Li Bennich-Björkman and Sergiy Kurbatov’s edited volume When the Future Came: The Collapse of the USSR and the Emergence of National Memory in Post-Soviet History Textbooks. The volume consists of four case studies of history textbooks currently in use in secondary schools and universities in four of the former union republics – Russia, Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine – and a close reading of how these cover perestroika as part of the new "national" history.

• Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Geir Flikke: Russlands rebeller: Protest og reaksjon i Putins Russland (2011-2020). Norsk statsvitenskapelig tidsskrift. ISSN 0801-1745. 37(2), p. 133–135. doi: 10.18261/issn.1504-2936-2021-02-04. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Basert på en gjennomgang av et omfattende kildemateriale beskriver Geir Flikke hvordan Aleksej Navalnyj gradvis har bygget seg opp til å bli en av den russiske opposisjonens fremste profiler, en prosess som kulminerer med Navalnyjs (mislykkede) kampanje for å bli registrert som kandidat i presidentvalget 2018. Flikke gir en inngående og detaljrik gjennomgang av strategier, slagord og protestrepertoar. Både «rebeller» og regime bruker stadig vekk mer kreative metoder – opposisjonen for å nå frem, myndighetene for å kvele alle tilløp til det man gjerne refererer til som en mulig «fargerevolusjon».

• Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Hva er egentlig situasjonen i verden med tanke på USA, Russland og Kina? Er demokratiet truet? Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Mobilizing the Past: The Use of School History Textbooks as a Legitimation Strategy in Putin's Russia. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  For any given regime, the power to control the official interpretation of national history is considered to be an important and efficient instrument for nation building and nation maintenance purposes. Through mobilizing a real or invented common past, reinforcing the borders between who are defined as belonging to the national community and who does not, the historical narrative is seen to strengthen the sense of belonging to and identification with the nation. School history textbooks—and the educational system in general—represent important locales for such struggles between competing historical narratives. As history books, school history textbooks represent a special genre. They are not primarily meant to convey the personal views of the author or present complex academic debates. Instead, complicated issues are reduced to undebatable “shared truths” ready for student consumption. In this context, the past is first and foremost meant to provide meaning to and legitimation of the present and to help staking out a common course for the future. With their near universal reach to entire cohorts of youths, school history textbooks are a powerful tool for spreading the message of the current regime of who and what the nation should be—and for legitimizing the powers-that-be.

• Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Russia's 2021 State Duma Elections: What is at stake? Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). The Impact of Domestic Politics on Russia's Arctic Agenda. In Gaens, Bart; Jüris, Frank & Raik, Kristi (Ed.), Nordic-Baltic connectivity with Asia via the Arctic: assessing opportunities and risks. International Centre for Defence an Security. ISSN 9789916969908. p. 70–88. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Russland etter dumavalget: valg og legitimeringsstrategier i et autoritært regime. Full text in Research Archive
• Teksum, Isbrekken Ane & Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Et styrt valg i Russland. [Internet]. NUPI-podden. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Navalnyj og politisk protest i Putins-Russland. Hvor hender det?. ISSN 0801-9509. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Selv om Putin styrer Russland med jernhånd, står han ikke uten motstand. Den kjente regimekritikeren Aleksej Navalnyj har i løpet av det siste året både blitt forgiftet og fengslet, og Putin nekter fortsatt å uttale navnet hans. Hvorfor vil regimet bli kvitt ham, og vil det løse Putins problemer?

• Rowe, Elana Tovah Wilson; Blakkisrud, Helge; Hoel, Alf Håkon; Orttung, Robert; Sergunin, Alexander & Sun, yun (2020). Great Powers and Arctic Politics. High North News. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  The Arctic looms large in the popular consciousness as a potential new theatre of conflict. But the real risk is that the consuming politics of great power rivalry will deflect attention from the real progress of diplomacy and the everyday work of Arctic governance. This op-ed outlines three key areas that merit greater diplomatic attention and could pay dividends in reducing the impact of great power competition on the rapidly changing Arctic.

• Opdahl, Ingerid Maria & Blakkisrud, Helge (2020). Russland og det tidligere Sovjetunionen. [Radio]. NRK P2 Studio 2. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Fram til nå har Russland hatt sterk kontroll på land fra den tidligere Sovjetunionen, men nå begynner det å skje ting. I Kaukasus seiler nye land opp som regionale stormakter. Begynner Russland å miste grepet på naboene sine?

• Mjør, Kåre Johan; Blakkisrud, Helge & Wetteland, Lene (2020). Nagorno-Karabakh - from a historical perspective. Full text in Research Archive
• Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (2017). Book symposium. The new Russian nationalism: imperialism, ethnicity and authoritarianism 2000–2015. Nationalities Papers. ISSN 0090-5992. 45(4), p. 716–719. Full text in Research Archive
• Rowe, Elana Wilson & Blakkisrud, Helge (2013). A normal great power? Russia and the Arctic. The Arctic "bad guy" may be intent upon improving its image. Policy options. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2011). Nye veier for det russiske sivilsamfunnet? Nordisk Østforum. ISSN 0801-7220. 25(1), p. 3–5. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2011). Russland på vei ut av krisen - men hvor hen? Nordisk Østforum. ISSN 0801-7220. 25(2), p. 113–115. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2011). En usikker historie. Nordisk Østforum. ISSN 0801-7220. 25(4), p. 317–319. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2010). Nasjon og religion på Balkan. Nordisk Østforum. ISSN 0801-7220. 24(4), p. 349–351. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2010). Fargerevolusjonene som falmet. Nordisk Østforum. ISSN 0801-7220. 24(1), p. 3–5. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2010). Gjennombrudd i nord. Nordisk Østforum. ISSN 0801-7220. 24(2), p. 119–120. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2010). Statene som ikke eksisterer. Nordisk Østforum. ISSN 0801-7220. 24(3), p. 239–241. Full text in Research Archive
• Østbø, Jardar Nuland & Blakkisrud, Helge (2007). Ny kurs for Russland? Full text in Research Archive
• Gelashvili, Tamta; Kemoklidze, Nino & Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Trade and trust: the role of trade in de facto state conflict transformation. Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  De facto states – unrecognized secessionist entities that eke out a living on the margins of the international system – are often heavily dependent on external patron states for economic aid and investment. When the parent state – the state that the de facto state seeks to break away from – responds to the secessionist attempt by imposing sanctions or economic blockades, this further exacerbates such dependency. Moreover, due to their lack of international recognition, de facto states often have limited opportunities to engage with the outside world beyond the patron and the parent state. However, closer examination of one such de facto state, Abkhazia, reveals that de facto states can enjoy some bounded independent economic agency. Abkhazia’s maneuvering between Russia as “patron,” Georgia as “parent state,” and the wider international community (here exemplified by the EU) in the sphere of trade and economic interaction has important implications for de-facto state conflict transformation.

• Kolstø, Pål & Blakkisrud, Helge (2021). Not So Traditional After All? The Russian Orthodox Church's Failure as a "Moral Norm Entrepreneur". PONARS Eurasia. Full text in Research Archive
• Lanteigne, Marc & Blakkisrud, Helge (2020). The spiralling effects of the Sino-American trade war. Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Almost two years ago, China and the United States instigated a trade conflict which has had serious international effects, a situation since exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. What has truly made a solution to this conflict elusive, however, is that its origins lie well beyond questions of trade deficits and fair competition, and are instead based on the looming question of a power transition between to the two states. The effects of this divergence are beginning to be observed in several economic realms, including the financial and the technological. Many other actors in the global economy have begun to experience the side effects of this completion, and may now have to face difficult choices about how to balance between these two emerging poles in the current fragile global economy.

• Hansen, Arve & Blakkisrud, Helge (2020). Slow Stagnation, Sudden Revolution? Post-Covid-19 Prospects for Political Change in Russia and Belarus. Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt. Full text in Research Archive
• Rowe, Elana Tovah Wilson & Blakkisrud, Helge (2019). The Arctic Council and US domestic policymaking. Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  One widely recognized achievement of the Arctic Council and its various working groups has been the production of collectively generated assessments on Arctic problems. Assessment reports such as the Arctic Climate Impact Assessment (ACIA) provide an important baseline of shared knowledge for making collective circumpolar policy recommendations. But how does the knowledge produced through Arctic Council working groups figure into the policymaking of the Arctic states? This is an important question for understanding Arctic politics and the relationship between national decisionmaking and international relations more generally. Much of what the Arctic Council produces is in the form of recommendations, declarations of intent, and commitments to "best practices" in areas of shared interest and activity. While in recent years the Council has produced three binding agreements covering specific functional areas—search and rescue (2011), oil pollution preparedness and response (2013),and science cooperation (2017)—much ongoing Arctic collaborative work falls outside of these areas. This policy brief explores how science/policy outputs of and discussions at the Arctic Council fit into the Arctic political discourse of the USA, with an emphasis on key actors within the executive branch: the White House, the Department of the Interior, and the Environmental Protection Agency.

• Blakkisrud, Helge; Rowe, Elana Tovah Wilson & Vakulchuk, Roman (2018). Valdai Paper #92: Russia’s Far East Initiatives in Troubled Geopolitical Times. The Foundation for Development and Support of the Valdai Discussion Club. Full text in Research Archive
• Blakkisrud, Helge (2017). Russia's turn to the East: The Ministry for the Development of the Far East, and the domestic dimension. Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt. Full text in Research Archive
• Godzimirski, Jakub M.; Rowe, Elana Wilson & Blakkisrud, Helge (2012). The Arctic. What does Russia see? What does Russia want? Finnish Ministry of Defence. Full text in Research Archive
• Weltzien, Åsmund; Rowe, Elana Wilson & Blakkisrud, Helge (2012). Great Power, Arctic Power: Russia’s engagement in the High North. Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. Full text in Research Archive
• Wigen, Einar; Kolstø, Pål; Flikke, Geir & Blakkisrud, Helge (2011). The Shifting Geopolitics of the Black Sea Region: Actors, Drivers, Challenges. NUPI. ISSN 9788270023035. Full text in Research Archive
• Korbøl, Karsten & Blakkisrud, Helge (2000). From 'Velvet Revolution to European Integration. Central European Developments and Prospects. NUPI. ISSN 9788270021543. Full text in Research Archive

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